By Philipp Fritz
Germany’s new ambassador to Poland took up his post in September following months of delay while, in a highly unusual manner, the Polish government initially failed to accept his nomination. Warsaw deemed it historically “insensitive” for Berlin to have chosen as their representative the son of a Wehrmacht officer who served in Hitler’s bunker.
After finally receiving Polish consent and arriving in Warsaw, Arndt Freytag von Loringhoven has emphasised the importance of commemorating Germany’s difficult World War Two history, including supporting the creation of a recently approved memorial in Berlin to Polish victims of the war. He has also hailed the strength of current Polish-German relations and the potential for further development.
However, his arrival comes at a sensitive moment, and follows a presidential election campaign in which the incumbent Andrzej Duda and ruling party strongly criticised German-owned Polish media. The ambassador recently aroused some controversy when he met with his US counterpart in Warsaw to discuss media freedom in Poland. We spoke with Loringhoven about his new posting.
Philipp Fritz: Mr Freytag von Loringhoven, you had to wait for three months for your agrément. It is highly unusual on the Polish side to allow a foreign diplomat to wait so long, particularly as Germany and Poland are partners in the EU and NATO. Is this reflected in your cooperation with the Polish government?
Arndt Freytag von Loringhoven: I am glad to be able to say that today there is no trace of this. All conversations that I have had up until now were friendly and forthcoming. My mission began with a visit to the president, when I submitted my credentials. My conversation with President Duda was very fruitful and promising.
In the summer, President Duda conducted a decidedly anti-German election campaign. During this period, your authorisation was withheld.
Of course, I followed the election campaign closely, but I will not comment on internal Polish affairs. I am convinced President Duda does not have a negative attitude towards Germany. The fates of our two countries are bound to each other; we both know this.
Furthermore, President Duda and the German president, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, have a very good relationship. The exchange and cooperation between Germany and Poland is vital and close on all levels.
Have your visits to memorials directly after taking up duties set an example?
History is of overriding importance in our relations. Even when still in Berlin, I visited together with [Poland’s] ambassador [to Germany, Andrzej] Przyłębski an exhibition at the Pilecki Institute.
On my first day in Poland I paid a visit to the Museum of the Warsaw Uprising; soon after I went to Auschwitz-Birkenau with my family and I also met survivors, for example at the former German concentration camp in Poznań (Fort VII).
These encounters are important to me personally. At the same time I view them as an important part of my role as German ambassador, to confront the difficult German-Polish history and to confirm again and again that we take on our responsibility for the past.
My predecessors have acted in the same way. Currently, I am unfortunately not able to complete as many appointments as I would like, because the coronavirus crisis puts a dampener on all of us.
You have also just met the Secretary of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs [Szymon] Szynkowski vel Sek. He filed a complaint because Claudia Roth, a vice president of the Bundestag, came out in solidarity with the protesters who are demonstrating against the abortion ban. How often are you occupied with such matters?
I understand that the criticism referred to the language used. I am not here to represent, defend or explain statements of parliamentarians (an ambassador represents a country’s executive).
I am sure Ms Roth had no bad intentions. My first weeks have shown how important it is to pay attention to language and how it is perceived in the context of our shared history.
Your professional biography is well suited to the post as ambassador in Warsaw. Experts and diplomats have welcomed your nomination, citing your experience with the German Federal Intelligence Service (BND) and NATO. You are seen as someone who not only understands Moscow’s aggressive foreign policy but can also view it critically. To what extent do your previous positions influence your current role?
In my intelligence functions I have worked closely with European partners. And I have travelled to Warsaw several times to meet Polish colleagues. We always got along very well and had fruitful exchanges.
I am aware that I am perceived as someone who understands Russia well. I love that country and its people, their culture and literature, but I cannot but view much that happens there critically. We have to be clear-eyed and realistically observe and analyse the situation in Russia and our relationship with this country.
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The German government has something of a different attitude to Poland when it comes to issues such as the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline. Has this issue already surfaced?
Of course. And yes, this is an issue where Polish and German views differ significantly. Even if we may never completely agree on this matter, I think it is important to explain our respective positions well because, as partners and friends, we should at least try to understand each other: We should take Polish concerns very seriously (as we are taking Ukrainian concerns).
At the same time, we need to point out that this is a project of many European companies together with the Russian Gazprom, which was initiated because of an urgent need for gas as a bridging technology during Germany´s so-called “Energiewende” (energy transition). And this gap will not only be filled by Russian gas. We are aiming at diversifying sources and origins of energy, as agreed within the European Energy Union, initiated by Poland.
Another provocative German-Polish issue is press freedom and a so-called possible “repolonisation” of the media. Has this already come up?
That is something which we follow very closely also together with other international partners, first and foremost the USA who are also major investors in Polish media.
Whatever happens here, we expect that any possible deconcentration or re-nationalisation will be in accordance with EU law and not endanger the excellent investment climate in Poland.
Poland has now been hit harder by the second wave of the coronavirus pandemic than almost any other EU country. Germany has offered help; the Polish government has not accepted it. What can explain this?
In times of crisis, it is only natural that all EU member states help each other, wherever we can. It is a matter of solidarity – a word best spelled in Polish. We have learned from the first wave in the spring and introduced the so-called EWRS (early warning and rescue system) on an EU level. Through this system, Germany has already helped our Czech neighbours and others.
In addition, several voivodeships [Polish provinces] are presently working together with our Bundesländer [German states]. This is a very direct and effective way of effecting help where it is needed. This has proven useful already during the first crisis.
Interview translated from German by Kate Martyr.
Main image credit: Grzegorz Jakubowski/KPRP/Prezydent.pl